Digifesto

Category: politics

A vote for Roemer is a vote for Obama

I’ve spent the New Years with friends from DC who I think of as “Washington Insiders” because they work in or with various parts of the government. Unlike the people I normally talk shop with, they have never even heard of Richard Stallman. They are dismissive of the Occupy movement or just don’t want to talk about it. They are pessimistic about the next election, because they see it as a sure victory for Mitt Romney. Many of them were active in the Obama campaign, and will likely be involved in the campaign in some capacity this coming year. The are grim.

When I brought him up, one of them told me that “Buddy Roemer is a joke”–as if there was nothing at all sensible about a former Congressman running as a government reform protest candidate after two years of Tea Party and Occupy press. I have to remind them that Buddy was once Louisiana’s Governor, not just a Congressman. One friend jokes, “Good people don’t become Governor of Louisiana.” I don’t really know what he’s talking about, but Buddy seems like good people to me.

I ask if he could be a third party spoiler. “No, that’s unrealistic. I mean the last time there was a third party spoiler was…” It gets him thinking. “Well, there was a minor spoiler effect with Nader in 200, but the last real spoiler was Perot in 1992.” That sounds like once a decade to me. We’re due.

Let’s play it out. Roemer is running as a Republican currently. He has a slim to nothing chance of winning the primary. Suppose he continues to run as an independent. Suppose he is allowed to debate nationally and get public attention.

Buddy is an old Southern white man who will spend his time at the debate telling Mitt Romney that he is fake and bought, which is the elephant in the room around Romney and the root of the flip-flopping that so pisses of his base. No wonder the GOP won’t let Buddy debate with them. But in a national debate, Buddy could easily steal elements of the Romney’s base in addition to swing voters.

If things are as dismal for Obama as some say (though at the moment he’s InTrading at 51%…) then Roemer on that ballot could be the spoiler he needs to pull things through. Obama, after all, ran on “Change” originally, and could have plenty to agree with Roemer about, but with the spin that it’s only the Republican party that is as influenced by money in politics.

At this point, I don’t see a stronger move for the center-left than backing Roemer and helping him get on the ballot.

Connecting the dots

SOPA is backed by a large industry coalition led presumably by the industries that on-line piracy hurts most, including Hollywood and the RIAA. These industries have tremendous influence over Congress because of their campaign contributions, despite the fact that the education sector and human rights organizations oppose the bill.

Campaign finance reform is a hot political topic right now, but mostly only among the netroots and those that get their political news through the Internet. The Internet has allowed grassroots activists to get national attention despite the lack of coverage by traditional media through, for example, viral video. And the Internet has offered an alternative means of nominating a presidential candidate and allowing them to appear on the ballot.

If SOPA passes, the value of the Internet as a platform for political organizing will be greatly diminished. And the political influence of those industries who are fighting for SOPA will be secure.

Is it possible that SOPA is being pushed through Congress to deliberately destroy the Internet, in order to break the one platform that has potential to truly change politics?

Would Congress rather destroy the Internet than adapt to a new technology that makes a united and informed citizenry, politically represented by those that honor its rights and values, possible?

Would it smash the greatest engine of innovation the United States has ever seen in order to enshrine powers whose time has come and past?

Perhaps, SOPA is more than an assault on the Internet. Maybe it’s an assault on what’s left of democracy in our once great nation.

Occupy and ‘liberation technology’

I’m moved by an anonymous letter covering and commenting on the UC Davis pepper spraying aftermath.

The video speaks for itself, but I wanted to write about a particular point the letter makes:

Various searches related to UC Davis and pepper spraying were the *top searches on Google* in the US today — think of what that means.

this all happened on a day when virtually no news (except Demi and Ashton’s divorce or the 30 year old Natalie Wood death investigation) gets reported on mainstream outlets. This *all* happened online, and drew a huge national audience in the process, enough so to force a major university into damage control freakout.

Last week I attended a talk at Berkeley’s CITRIS center on Internet and Democracy, with EFF’S Jillian York and Evgeny Morozov, author of The Net Delusion. The speakers discussed the role of the internet as ‘liberation technology’ in countries overthrowing dictatorships. Morozov was skeptical about promoting the use of the web for these purposes without extensive regional expertise. He also noted that that many of these regimes import surveillance technology from the West. York agreed. But neither was able to speak much to the use of technology by the Occupy movement, and neither was able to address the actual mechanics of how the web helps (or not). Instead, both agreed that, yes, the Internet is a factor, but people on the ground and organizing in person were also very important.

There must be a more satisfying answer than this. Thankfully, the Occupy provides a great case study in the role of technology in movement building. Conditions in the U.S. are obviously different from those in the Arab Spring. There is relatively little fear of censorship on the web, free speech is well protected (within limits–see below), and Internet access and use is very high. So what we’d expect is for the impact of web technology on movement building to be stronger in the U.S. than in, say, the Middle East or Belarus.

What the anonymous letter writer points out is that the mass action required “to force a major university into damage control freakout” could happen almost overnight and even when the events in question are under-served by the mass media. It’s not clear whether the web activity encourages the movement on the ground or the other way around. Or rather, I don’t think there’s any question that they two activities feed off each other. But the real upshot is that combined, they simply make damage control impossible. You can’t hide the fact that you are beating kids up in the U.S. Full stop.

This is all possible because we have such great freedom of speech in this country. The irony is that what’s getting so much attention is the repression of free speech. In the U.S., it’s OK to complain on the Internet. It’s not yet OK to “encamp” as a symbolic political act. Encampment gets you pepper sprayed in the mouth.

This isn’t a contradiction, so much as a demonstration of why free speech is valuable and how it is won. Our ability to publish videos and articles freely on-line and use social media to express dissent is allowing the activity at the frontier of free speech to gain resonance. My colleague Kartik Date explain today that the effect of the encampments, met by violence, is to force the viewer to make a decision. Do you support the students, or do you support the forces breaking them? The health and safety technicalities of pitching a tent in a park become insignificant if people are hospitalized with broken ribs.

So what is the technology doing? It’s increasing the velocity of information from the events that demand that we make a decision to the people looking on. Exposure to edge cases makes us, as onlookers, realize that world does not divide into the categories that we expect. It forces the boundary of right and wrong to curve and swell.

This is why it would not be enough for the Occupy movement to limit itself to innocuous speech like blog posts or op-eds. If it did, it wouldn’t really ‘speak’ to the national audience at all, because its statements would be lost in the steady drone of information we filter out. Yes, there are radicals who think corporations are at fault. Yes, there are radicals who think the government is at fault. So what? This news changes nothing for me.

But when I hear the stories about how students are being hospitalized and demonstrating their peaceful commitment in response, I can’t remain neutral. I am now a supporter. And all because of content shared very rapidly through the web. Multiply this effect, and its clear how liberation technology can work to expand a movement.

Measuring Occupy Steam

The Economist recently blogged that the Occupy movement may be losing steam, based on the number of posts per day on the We Are the 99% Tumblr blog.

The author explains the appeal of this metric here, arguing that since updating a site is more effortful than using a Twitter hashtag, it is a better indicator of involvement.

While it’s definitely worth making the distinction of between on-line buzz and meat activity, using just one web site as an indicator seemed shady to me. Who knows what could be influencing that Tumblr? Maybe it’s just the site that’s lost steam, since by now anybody who is likely to look at it probably (a) has already and (b) gets the point.

What about using a more aggregate measure of how much people care about the Occupy movement? Here’s an easy one to grab: the number of Google searches for ‘occupy’.

You can see spikes corresponding to some major Occupy events:

  • October 15th, the peak, was Occupy’s Global Day of Action
  • October 27th, another high, came right after an Oakland occupier got brained by a police tear gas canister.
  • November 3rd was Oakland’s Occupy-induced general strike
  • The last little bump on November 10th corresponds to the Colbert coverage of the police brutality on Berkeley’s campus

Yes, searches are in decline. But the numbers suggest that as long as protesters can keep things eventful–by causing an economic ruckus or getting beat up–they will stay on the public radar.

Responding to “Declaration of the Occupation”

I’ve been reserving judgment on Occupy Wall Street. I’ve recently left New York, and so while I know some people close to the action, I am merely a social media voyeur on another coast. I’m friends with both bankers and radicals and don’t see that as a problem. I know that OWS is significant, but is it right?

Thankfully, the NYC General Assembly has released a Declaration of the Occupation of New York City. This seems like a good thing since it deflects the main criticism of the movement: that it’s so unfocused in its intentions that there is nothing to take seriously.

I’m going to pick through this declaration and see what I can find.

As we gather together in solidarity to express a feeling of mass injustice, we must not lose sight of what brought us together. We write so that all people who feel wronged by the corporate forces of the world can know that we are your allies.

Hmm. This is not a great start. They are uncritically invoking this “corporate forces” rhetoric despite the weakness of the idea. Literally, corporations are boring. Lots of do-goody non-profits are corporations.

So there’s a sense that there are some big corporations that are at fault, that have wronged people, but which are they? How does one distinguish the wrongful corporations from the ones that are just going about their business?

As this protest started as an occupation of Wall Street, I would have guessed that it was objecting the financial services industry in particular. This does not appear to be the case.

As one people, united, we acknowledge the reality: that the future of the human race requires the cooperation of its members; that our system must protect our rights, and upon corruption of that system, it is up to the individuals to protect their own rights, and those of their neighbors; that a democratic government derives its just power from the people,…

Brilliant. I’m on board.

…but corporations do not seek consent to extract wealth from the people and the Earth…

This is may be a subtle point, but corporate existence depends on lots of consensual behavior. Consumers consent to consume, employees consent to work.

Generally, our modern capitalism affords consumers an absurdly wide range of consumption options–though thisis limited by access to technology, available disposable income, and availability of transportation. No doubt some corporations extort those with more limited options by controlling retail inventories (though the possibility of this control is being increasingly disrupted by technology). But are these consumers the ones driving the ‘corporate forces’ that the Wall Street demonstrators are protesting? Arguably, the more these consumers are vulnerable to extortion, the less they can be the driving market of ‘corporate forces’. So, of the 99% who are purportedly represented by the demonstrators, probably a good number–say, those in the 2%-50% bracket–are consumers who are consensually complicit in the triumph of corporate power (whatever that is).

Labor extortion is a more serious problem. But again, however much corporations depend on a captive labor force, these workers will be exploitable because they are replaceable. Higher skilled workers contributing to a corporation will individually contribute more to corporate success. They will also be more mobile, implying once again consent.

My point is this: blaming ‘corporations’ acting ‘without consent’ for economic problems clouds our individual agency in our choices when participating in the economy. My guess is that most of the people who read this far into this post (all six of you) are to some extent consensually complicit in ‘corporate power.’ It’s worth keeping that in mind, if only because the possibility of progress through traditional political channels is so dismal right now.

…and that no true democracy is attainable when the process is determined by economic power.

I think I agree with this. I’m not sure what a ‘true democracy’ is or whether or not I’d want one. California, my new home, seems to have gutted itself through its referendum system, which is probably the most ‘true democratic’ system out there. Then again, that’s partly due to the influence of economic power over referenda, which seems unavoidable. By this logic, referenda are not truly democratic.

What about true representative democracy? I used to have faith in Clean Elections, a system of public campaign finance reform. The Supreme Court ruled part of this legislation unconstitutional on free speech grounds, which means we are truly hosed.

The most promising thing to come out of the recent protests, in my view, is the possibility of a constitutional convention to fix, among other things, campaign financing and corporate personhood. Lawrence Lessig is involved. It’s cool. It’s quite possibly the Best Policy Outcome of Occupy Wall Street.

Incidentally, this is along the lines of what Seymour Lachman proposed to fix New York State’s broken legislation in Three Men in a Room. Maybe if they really wanted to sick it to Wall Street they could go two for one.

We come to you at a time when corporations, which place profit over people, self-interest over justice, and oppression over equality, run our governments. We have peaceably assembled here, as is our right, to let these facts be known.

These statements are vague and hyperbolic. Corporations are composed of and operate in service of people. They also vary in their evilness. See Michael Porter’s Harvard Business Review article on Creating Shared Value for a view on how boringly mainstream notions of corporate social responsibility have become, and moreover how the creation of social value is once again coming to be seen as an important source of economic value.

None of this is to say that it’s a good thing that economically powerful corporations exert undue influence over our government. But not all corporations are up to these games, and many non-corporate organizations that are just as self-interested, wealth-driven, and oppressive exert political influence. Our political and economic problems are due to a wider, thicker network of power than this Declaration would have you believe.

They have taken our houses through an illegal foreclosure process, despite not having the original mortgage.

I don’t understand this one.

They have taken bailouts from taxpayers with impunity, and continue to give Executives exorbitant bonuses.

Ok, true.

They have perpetuated inequality and discrimination in the workplace based on age, the color of one’s skin, sex, gender identity and sexual orientation.

Ok, yes. However, these inequalities and discriminations are endemic to society at large and are not particular to ‘corporations’. As has been noted, the Occupy Wall Street movement itself has internal problems with race and gender.

They have poisoned the food supply through negligence, and undermined the farming system through monopolization.

Not sure about the poisoning part. But yes, good god yes, monopolized subsidized corporate farming is bad.

Wall Street is a silly place to organize a agribusiness protest, but if this declaration makes anything clear, it is that the “Occupy Wall Street” movement is no longer just about Wall Street.

They have profited off of the torture, confinement, and cruel treatment of countless animals, and actively hide these practices.

Ugh. Animal rights. Now you’ve got me considering lobsters again.

They have continuously sought to strip employees of the right to negotiate for better pay and safer working conditions.

Ok, sure. I mean, some of them. Others have been innovating in the workplace and treating their employees well. Is this clause designed to attract generic labor discontent? Interesting that they have placed an emphasis on working conditions rather than general unemployment, which is probably the bigger issue at the moment. Is it any less logical to blame corporations for unemployment?

They have held students hostage with tens of thousands of dollars of debt on education, which is itself a human right.

I had to think about this one.

Yes, it is terrible that students are hostage with education debt. If I were a student in debt in New York right now, I would be pissed off and in the streets.

But corporations…are they the ones holding students hostage? By what mechanism? Is it because corporations aren’t providing universal college education, or is it because they aren’t employing enough people out of college? Or is this a critique of the companies that provide student loans?

This is one of the most emotionally compelling clauses in the document, to me. Not because it makes any sense, but because it is tragic. Nothing makes it clearer that Occupy Wall Street is made up of, in part, desperate students who have been promised opportunity and are now angry about their prospects for the future. Holding corporations accountable for fixing this future is almost hopeless, but what hope is there?

They have consistently outsourced labor and used that outsourcing as leverage to cut workers’ healthcare and pay.

I’ve heard that outsourcing in a lot of industries is declining, actually. This seems like more general misplaced worker angst. This worries me because it can turn so quickly to anti-immigration rhetoric. (Note that immigration is one issue that this declaration steers very clear of. Why is that?)

They have influenced the courts to achieve the same rights as people, with none of the culpability or responsibility.

Well, at least some of the culpability and responsibility. Limited liability protects shareholders but you can still sue a company.

They have spent millions of dollars on legal teams that look for ways to get them out of contracts in regards to health insurance.

I got nothing.

They have sold our privacy as a commodity.

Sure, yes, ok. Though it’s ironic that the Occupy Wall Street protests have benefited so much from social media like Facebook, which are precisely the corporations selling our privacy. See above note about our responsibility/complicity in the economy.

But, ok, Tumblr is probably not evil. I mean, it’s just so cute.

They have used the military and police force to prevent freedom of the press. They have deliberately declined to recall faulty products endangering lives in pursuit of profit.

Hmmm.

They determine economic policy, despite the catastrophic failures their policies have produced and continue to produce.
They have donated large sums of money to politicians, who are responsible for regulating them.

See above.

They continue to block alternate forms of energy to keep us dependent on oil.

Ok.

They continue to block generic forms of medicine that could save people’s lives or provide relief in order to protect investments that have already turned a substantial profit.

Oh, hey, an intellectual property issue! Glad to see someone snuck this one in!

They have purposely covered up oil spills, accidents, faulty bookkeeping, and inactive ingredients in pursuit of profit.
They purposefully keep people misinformed and fearful through their control of the media.
They have accepted private contracts to murder prisoners even when presented with serious doubts about their guilt.
They have perpetuated colonialism at home and abroad. They have participated in the torture and murder of innocent civilians overseas.
They continue to create weapons of mass destruction in order to receive government contracts. *

These are bad. I’m getting dizzy. The asterisk goes to this footnote: *These grievances are not all-inclusive. Looks like some issues didn’t make the cut.

To the people of the world,

We, the New York City General Assembly occupying Wall Street in Liberty Square, urge you to assert your power.

Exercise your right to peaceably assemble; occupy public space; create a process to address the problems we face, and generate solutions accessible to everyone.

Peaceably assemble, check. Occupy public space, check.

Create a process to address the problems we face…

Oh dear.

There are a hell of a lot of problems.

But I think this may be the secret sauce of the document.

As somebody way outside what’s going on, one of the best pieces for getting insight into what’s going on has been Nathan Schneider’s This is Just Practice article. Nathan’s frustration with social media getting the credit for the movement’s success is interesting. He thinks that it doesn’t do justice to the social connections and dialog that is happening on the ground. Contrast with this article from Tech President saying that it was skilled social media usage that has lead the originally tiny movement to grow and gain national attention.

This video from CBC news is also revealing. Drew Hombine, sleepily representing OWS, dismisses the accusation that the movement’s policy goals are unfocused on the grounds that the point is to “build an ideal society in the heart of darkness.” It’s the establishment of a fresh venue for grassroots dialog, not any particular policy position, that’s the goal.

So, what does that add up to? There is a core of the movement that is training itself in grassroots, consensus-based activism. And there is a much larger surrounding network of people watching and legitimizing via social media. That’s powerful. If it actually gets people to think and act differently in society, it doesn’t matter what the legislative policy response is. (Though constitutional reform, if not mangled by special interests in the process, would be a huge plus.)

What could the outcomes be?

One possibility is that it could change the way people engage with the economy as consumers and laborers. If you are living in a tent in a public space and depending on your fellow activists for help, as people in Liberty Square seem to be doing, then you are divesting to some extent from the system that allows for “corporate greed”. If the core group could promote a low-consumption lifestyle or a targeted consumer boycott through its digital social network, that could have a significant economic impact. Similarly, they could make it so socially painful to work for certain kinds of organizations that mobile, high-skilled workers choose to find other jobs in order to avoid social stigma.

So much for the economy. There is the wider phenomenon of the de-legitimation of the government. When asked if OWS was at all related to the Tea Party, Hombine claimed (to my suprise) that yes, it was. “Original Tea Party members — members of the party before it was taken over by corporate influence — are with us.”

That’s consistent with a lot of Tea Party rhetoric, which is vitriolic against the “permanent political class.” I’d recommend to anyone who would like insight into the Tea Party ideology Codevilla’s The Ruling Class: How They Corrupted America and What We Can Do About It. Like the OWS movement, it defends the Tea Party’s inconsistent political positions on the grounds that what they are rejecting is the entire political system in its current incarnation.

For Codevilla, the Tea Party’s tactic is to use its grassroots appeal within the Country Class (contrasted with the Ruling Class of left-leaning elite university graduates) to elect new representatives that are not part of the permanent political class. Once in the legislature, these representatives can cause nuisance and get demands met.

Interestingly, OWS appears to be in the business of setting up alternative governance and communication structures, and causing a nuisance from without not from within. This is the anarchist agenda.

Will these tactics of dissent merge as we approach the next election? Some have argued that it will be hard for mainstream groups like labor unions or MoveOn.org to work with the anarchists within OWS. Time will tell.

To all communities that take action and form groups in the spirit of direct democracy, we offer support, documentation, and all of the resources at our disposal.

Join us and make your voices heard!

Godspeed. You’re evolving. If passion about animal rights gets you out of bed and into General Assembly meetings, more power to you. I hope that the dialog within the movement will cause it to work out its internal contradictions and maybe wring out the weak ‘corporate forces’ rhetoric in favor of something more actionable, something that takes more responsibility for the way things are. I’m eager to see where you go.

In search of an “open” politics

The open source movement has trouble articulating a coherent politics.

On the one hand, we have people like Matt Asay. Asay does a good job of making open source palatable to the mainstream business world. But he depoliticizes it so aggressively that he sometimes misses the (elusive) point.

In his recent post, “Free software is dead. Long live open source“, Asay argues that the free software ideology is too uncompromising about proprietary software. Open source has succeeded–or will succeed (Asay waffles as to whether the victory is already manifest or merely inevitable)–because it has embraced interoperability with proprietary software.

The path forward is open source, not free software. Sometimes that openness will mean embracing Microsoft in order to meet a customer’s needs.

Free software has lost. Open source has won. We’re all the better for it.

There is a disconnect in Asay’s post between his benign praise of interoperability and the tone of his screed against the Free Software movement. Though it was likely lost on many readers, the best explanation for that tone, and for his break from his normal subjects of open source business news and strategy, is that the post (published September 25) was written in tacit response to Software Freedom Day (September 19).

As could be inferred from its “freedom” rhetoric, Software Freedom Day is an explicitly political event. It’s vision:

…is to empower all people to freely connect, create and share in a digital world that is participatory, transparent, and sustainable.

It’s objectives are to:

1. to celebrate software freedom and the people behind it
2. to foster a general understanding of software freedom, and encourage adoption of free software and open standards
3. to create more equal access to opportunities through the use of participatory technologies
4. to promote constructive dialogue on responsibilities and rights in the information society

The free software movement is alive and kicking. Meanwhile, the politics of free software have spilled out into Free Culture movement and others. The Software Freedom Law Center’s James Vasile, inviting everyone in that ideological space to NYC’s Software Freedom Day event, noted:

Our production model, our ethos, and our focus on transparency, running code and the freedom to share are spreading beyond software to other areas of culture, including government, media, science, and the arts.

In New York City, Software Freedom Day will mark the launch of a series of quarterly Open Source / Open Culture events designed to engage free software hackers, creative commons artists, open government activists, and open science innovators.

All this talk of ethics , activism, rights, and freedom gets in the way of selling open source software to businesses, which explains why Asay proclaims so vigorously that free software is dead and has lost: precisely because it isn’t and hasn’t. Asay is trying to shift discussion away from these philosophical concerns. As he explains in a later post,

The problem I have with free-software advocates like Richard Stallman is that they think freedom is the primary reason to use open-source software. It’s not. Utility is.

After all, we’re not talking about essential human rights here. We’re talking about getting work done with software.

The problem with the philosophical rhetoric is that it is not persuasive to consumers. But the problem with depoliticizing open source is that it alienates the producers, who are often politically, not monetarily, motivated to engage in the open source process.

Consider Ian Bicking’s soul-searching about what it means to be an open source programmer. He traces his 15 year history of engaging with free and open source software. His story starts with his discovery of the GNU Manifesto while poking around Emacs.

When I read [part of the manifesto] I was immediate head-over-heels in love with this concept. As a teenager, thinking about programming, thinking about the world, having a statement that was so intellectually aggressive was exciting.

It wasn’t saying: what are we not allowed to do, nor did it talk about some kind of societal injustice. It didn’t talk about the meaning of actions or their long-term effects. Instead it asked: what must we do, not as a society, not in service of some end, but what are we called upon to do as an individual, right now, in service of the people we call friends.

But after this era of moral attraction to free software, the FOSS community’s discussion shallowed and narrowed to a discussion of the production model and the particulars of licensing. FOSS ceased to be a matter of positive moral activity; rather, it became a list of things one was merely legally allowed to do.

What’s missing, Bicking goes on to explore, is the meaningfulness of identifying as an open source programmer. Acknowledging that the practical aspects of FOSS are ultimately more compelling than Stallman’s moral arguments, he asks:

The open source and free software philosophical divide: on one side practical concerns, on the other moral. And this is what I want to talk about later: can we find a moral argument for these practical concerns?

Speaking personally, I feel this dilemma. When I chose to enter the software industry, I made a deliberate political choice to work on open source software at a social enterprise rather than at a proprietary startup. And I see a similar tension among colleagues at OpenGeo, TOPP, and in the developer communities I participate in and hear about.

OpenGeo especially is aiming for commercial success, and is shifting its priorities and marketing message accordingly (heavily influenced by Asay, via our own pragmatic open source industry veteran Paul Ramsey). The question that seems to underly a lot of our internal angst and discussion is, “Are we selling out?”

The answer is, “No.” But it’s not a good enough answer. It’s not good enough because one of the virtues–both pragmatic and moral–of open source is that you don’t have to put up with the bullshit of having to say or do things you don’t mean. Part of the point of open source process is that it is open.

The solution to the problem can’t be an uneasy tension between snappy sales pitch and a hidden agenda. That undercuts both the sincerity of the pitch and the viability of the agenda. Rather, there needs to be an articulation of the open agenda that is compelling for both outsiders and participants, both producers and consumers, so that those distinctions can be ultimately extinguished.

Open Government NYC

The space of people excited about the intersection of e-government, transparency, open data, and open source software has exploded recently. The amount of talk and, consequently, bullshit flying around about this topic has ballooned proportionately.

Kudos to Matt Cooperrider, then, for assembling a serious meetup for local open government that has some ass-kicking potential.

About forty people met for the first meetup at New Work City. There were plenty of familiar faces from the NYC civic tech scene, but there were also several that I had never encountered before. Not for their lack of significance but, on the contrary, seemingly because of it: professionals in the open government world who normally have better things to do than go to meetups. The list of organizations represented included the New York Senate, the Sunlight Foundation, and the Personal Democracy Forum.

It’s too early to tell, but I’d say there’s a significant chance of something coming out of this.

Seat at the Table

The Obama-Biden Transition Project has some really excellent branding and PR.  Its name along makes me think of some kind of jazz fusion supergroup.  But it also appears to be making true progress towards government transparency, which is encouraging.

I just learned about the Project’s “Seat at the Table” Transparency policy, which is summed up in this public memo:

MEMORANDUM
From: John Podesta
To: All Obama Transition Project Staff
Date: December 5, 2008
Re: “Seat at the Table” Transparency Policy – EFFECTIVE IMMEDIATELY

As an extension of the unprecedented ethics guidelines already in place for the Obama-Biden Transition Project, we take another significant step towards transparency of our efforts for the American people. Every day, we meet with organizations who present ideas for the Transition and the Administration, both orally and in writing. We want to ensure that we give the American people a “seat at the table” and that we receive the benefit of their feedback.

Accordingly, any documents from official meetings with outside organizations will be posted on our website for people to review and comment on. In addition to presenting ideas as individuals at http://www.change.gov, the American people deserve a “seat at the table” as we receive input from organizations and make decisions. In the interest of protecting the personal privacy of individuals, this policy does not apply to personnel matters and hiring recommendations.

This is obviously great stuff. But I’m just as struck by Obama’s team’s continued mastery of PR and marketing. It’s like he’s still campaigning. The memo is addressed to “All Obama Transition Project Staff”, but it’s also clearly written for the public audience, opening with a reminder, in case you hadn’t heard, of “the unprecedented ethics guidelines already in place,” and then following through with an enforcement of the branding of the policy as “Seat at the Table.” And then it comes with a video commercial!

Don’t get me wrong–I’m not bothered by this. I am more amazed by Obama’s continued attention to his public image. It will keep people mobilized around him, and keep him a rock star in the public eye. And it’s because he’s got a lot of great, talented marketing experts working for him.

During the campaign, I was concerned about the role of money and technical expertise in politics. There is a democratic ideal that is is based on a fantasy of equal access to resources, an ideal with which I cannot fully part. But I spoke the other day with a friend who worked in the Obama campaign as a field organizar, and asked her what she thought legitimized an elected official. Her answer was telling, and maybe more relevant to the times: people being excited and mobilized and willing to pitch in for the candidate. If that norm of legitimacy is the standard across those touched by the Obama campaign and administration, then this sort of branding is exactly what he should be doing.

Thanks to Josh Bronson for the heads up on “Seat at the Table.”

Third Party Spunk

Doug Mayle sent me this article today about Libertarian candidate Bob Barr’s law suit to remove McCain and Obama from the party ballet.

Texas election code §192.031 requires that the “written certification” of the “party’s nominees” be delivered “before 5 p.m. of the 70th day before election day.” Because neither candidate had been nominated by the official filing deadline, the Barr campaign argues it was impossible for the candidates to file under state law.

This may seem like a petty move on the part of Barr, but it’s really a principled demand for better treatment of third parties. “Fair” treatment would be outlandish to ask for–the current legislation hardly gives them a chance. But letting the actual enforcement of the law be held to a double standard would just be a travesty.

“The facts of the case are not in dispute,” says Russell Verney, manager of the Barr campaign. “Republicans and Democrats missed the deadline, but were still allowed on the ballot. Third parties are not allowed on the ballot for missing deadlines, as was the case for our campaign in West Virginia, yet the Texas secretary of state’s office believes Republicans and Democrats to be above the law.”

It’s worth noting that since Texas is such a deeply red state, this move hurts Republicans far more than it hurts Democrats. I’d recommend that dedicated progressives get behind this law suit and support it, however unlikely the suit’s success, if only for that strategic reason (though I think the third party issue might actually be more worth fighting for).

What happened to Paul Newell?

I have mentioned Paul Newell–one of New York State’s Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver‘s first challengers in over twenty years–before on this blog.  Newell represented a departure from New York’s infamous “three men in a room” style of politics, since displacing Silver would have be a serious coup against a monolithic and unrepresentative political machine.

In the course of the primary, Newell’s grassroots fund raising effort outpaced Silvers by more than two to one.  Newell also garnered the endorsements of major New York newspapers including the New York Times, the New York Post, and the Daily News.

The day after the primaries, the New York Post reported Silver’s victory in the district with 68 percent of the vote against Newell’s 23 percent.

So what happened?

My guess is this: Newell had tremendous appeal across the state and even across the country as a good government reformer on the progressive “Change!” platform that has swept the Democratic party with Obama’s campaign.  But meanwhile, Silver has had 20 years to use his almost unsurpassed clout in the state legislature to support the entrenched groups in his district.  And ultimately, despite the impact of the election on statewide corruption and budgeting, the outcome came down to how Silver rebuilt ground zero seven years ago.

Like Sean Tevis’ campaign, this raises questions for me about the purpose of local elections.  In this case, where the locally elected official has such enormous statewide power, it feels like his office should be judged by a statewide tribunal of voters.  And indeed, I’m sure much of Newell’s support came from reform-minded people who could never cast a vote for him.  But meanwhile, Silver first and foremost is a representative of the Lower East Side, and apparently supports those constituents very well.  Were Newell’s supporters from outside that district just butting in where they have no business?

I don’t think so.  But I’m curious to hear what others say.