I’m shifting research focus a bit and wanted to jot down a few notes. The context for the shift is that I have the pleasure of organizing a roundtable discussion for NYU’s Center for Cybersecurity and Information Law Institute, working closely with Thomas Streinz of NYU’s Guarini Global Law and Tech.
The context for the workshop is the steady feed of news about global technology supply chains and how they are not just relevant to “cybersecurity”, but in some respects are constitutive of cyberinfrastructure and hence the field of its security.
I’m using “global technology supply chains” rather loosely here, but this includes:
- Transborder personal data flows as used in e-commerce
- Software- (and Infrastructure-)-as-a-Service being marketing internationally (including Google used abroad, for example)
- Enterprise software import/export
- Electronics manufacturing and distribution.
Many concerns about cybersecurity as a global phenomenon circulate around the imagined or actual supply chain. These are sometimes national security concerns that result in real policy, as when Australia recently banned Hauwei and ZTE from supplying 5G network equipment for fear that it would provide a vector of interference from the Chinese government.
But the nationalist framing is certainly not the whole story. I’ve heard anecdotally that after the Snowden revelations, Microsoft’s internally began to see the U.S. government as a cybersecurity “adversary“. Corporate tech vendors naturally don’t want to be known as being vectors for national surveillance, as this cuts down on their global market share.
Governments and corporations have different cybersecurity incentives and threat models. These models intersect and themselves create the dynamic cybersecurity field. For example, these Chinese government has viewed foreign software vendors as cybersecurity threats, and has responded by mandating source code disclosure. But as this is a vector of potential IP theft, foreign vendors have balked, seeing this mandate as a threat. (Ahmed and Weber, 2018).Complicating things further, a defensive “cybersecurity” measure can also serve the goal of protecting domestic technology innovation–which can be framed as providing a nationalist “cybersecurity” edge in the long run.
What, if anything, prevents a total cyberwar of all against all? One answer is trade agreements that level the playing field, or at least establish rules for the game. Another is open technology and standards, which provide an alternative field driven by the benefits of interoperability rather than proprietary interest and secrecy. Is it possible to capture any of this in accurate model or theory?
I love having the opportunity to explore these questions, as they are at the intersection of my empirical work on software supply chains (Benthall et al., 2016; Benthall, 2017) and also theoretical work on data economics in my dissertation. My hunch for some time has been that there’s a dearth of solid economics theory for the contemporary digital economy, and this is one way of getting at that.
Ahmed, S., & Weber, S. (2018). China’s long game in techno-nationalism. First Monday, 23(5).
Benthall, S., Pinney, T., Herz, J. C., Plummer, K., Benthall, S., & Rostrup, S. (2016). An ecological approach to software supply chain risk management. In 15th Python in Science Conference.
Benthall, S. (2017, September). Assessing software supply chain risk using public data. In 2017 IEEE 28th Annual Software Technology Conference (STC) (pp. 1-5). IEEE.